Political Commentary
Page 54
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Transport in Monopoly
By JANUS
MEMBERS on both sides of the House of Commons are not in favour of bringing the nationalized industries within the scope of the Monopolies and Restrictive Practices Commission. Agreement on the point, however, is not unanimous among the back-benchers. A variety of opinions was expressed r!uring the debate on the Second Reading of the new Bill which to some extent changes the Commission's functions.
Mr. Austen Albu, a Labour M.P., regarded as unnecessary an investigation of the nationalized undertakings. Nobody, he said, need be in ignorance of the way they conducted their business. It was all in the annual reports. On the other hand, Mr. Percy Daines. also a Socialist, was by no means satisfied that the House could find out all they wanted to know, for example, about the National Coal Board, as a result of one day's debate each year. The change of ownership was carried out in such a way that "we have set up an authority which, if we are not careful, will become so powerful that this House in the course of a few years will be unable to effect any control at all."
Make-up of Reports
From the Government side, doubts were expressed by Mr. Reader Harris. The nationalized industries, he said, "put into their reports only the things they want to be known. We want to know the things which they do not put in, and only some independent inquiry can search into that point."
While it remains difficult to get a reply to any Parliamentary question dealing with the normal activities of the organizations that the Socialists took over, there is a good deal to be said in favour of machinery for dealing with criticisms of those activities. A few weeks ago I pointed out that the indiscriminate growth in the number of vehicles operated by the Coal Board, and their sister monopolies of gas and electricity, was having serious effects upon the hauliers who had carried the traffic in the past. Subsequently, I have had further evidence on this score; but for certain reasons it is difficult to obtain what may be called absolute scientific proof.
Parading Grievances
For one thing, many of the operators concerned are unwilling to parade their grievances. They fear to lose even the little traffic that is left to them, and cling to the hope that circumstances may alter. Nobody who has discussed the matter with them can escape the conviction that what is happening is the result of a deliberate policy and that it is causing considerable hardship; but if the victims refuse to cornplain, one cannot blame the Government for ignoring their distress, or even the Coal Board for augmenting and aggravating it.
The silence of the sufferers is not the only obstacle. One would expect the increase in vehicle strength to show up somewhere in the records of the Coal Board, but the figures are elusive on this point. Until statistical • evidence can • be produced, however, it is scarcely possible to start an effective attempt to call a halt to the process.
B20 How can the evidence be brought to light? The transport policy of the Coal Board, and the size of their fleet, are very likely of minor importance compared with the main task of getting the coal out of the ground. Moreover, the Board are within their rights in putting as many vehicles on the road as they like. At first sight, there seems no reason why Parliament or the public should expect to be given details on a matter which concerns only a small branch of the Board's undertaking.
Empire-building
On the other hand, these marginal activities may be just those that require to be most rigorously checked. A monopoly is a freak of nature that displaces more than its own weight. Besides wiping out all direct competition, it spreads its influence into other fields. It competes with its own suppliers, and with the distributors of its products. It can start or expand activities that were not regarded as coming within its scope when, as in the case of a State monopoly, it was originally endowed with absolute power.
No doubt the Monopolies Commission will watch carefully for signs of empire-building of this kind, but they will have no control over the imperialism of the State boards and authorities. If the annual report and the Parliamentary question provide no answer, it is hard to know what other line.of inquiry may be followed, short of engaging an army of private investigators. Even then, assuming it could be shown that the fleet of a State-owned corporation had grown greatly in size, there would remain the task of interpreting the figures to the public and persuading the politicians to take action.
Playing for Time
For an example of what is involved, one has only to review the long-drawn-out altercation on the 20 m.p.h. speed limit for heavy goods vehicles. The proposal for its uplift has the support of powerful interests. Ultimately, they must succeed, for their case is too sound to be ignored indefinitely; but the struggle has been constant, the expenditure of time and energy on research, study and propaganda is formidable, and much remains still to be done.
There may or may not be reasons why the services of the free-enterprise haulier should be retained for the comparatively small proportion of the tonnage of coal that is carried by road. What is certain is that those services will no longer be available if no inquiry is made for several years. It is, therefore, disappointing that the power to call for evidence on the matter has not been given to the Monopolies Commission.
Following the report of the Select Committee on the relationship between the nationalized industries and Parliament, there may be more opportunities for M.P.s to ask questions on points at present regarded as part of the day-to-day activities of the State-owned concerns, and therefore immune from public scrutiny. Unfortunately, the man with a grievance is only at the beginning of his task when he has reached the stage of asking questions. The inquiry that may ultimately be held into the transport policy of the nationalized organizatirms May turn out to be merely an inquest.